The ways of the opposition in Venezuela

In the elections for the governor of Barinas, the regime shamelessly mounted a grotesque farce, worthy of a banana dictatorship, like those of Somoza, Trujillo or Papa Doc Duvalier in Haiti.

Freddy Superlano, the opposition candidate, wins fairly, overcoming the advantage, abuse, intimidation and violence of the official party and the Comptroller of the regime, alleging ex post facto a disqualification that had been eliminated by Maduro himself in a decree prior to the voting, cancels his election and the Madurista Supreme Court (TSJ) calls for new elections for January 9.

When the wife of the elected and disqualified governor runs for office, who has not held a public office in his life, they shamelessly disqualify her and do the same with the other candidate that the opposition presents as an alternative. They also disable the dissident Chavista candidate from the Communist Party, to try to avoid dividing the official vote.

In Venezuela, the regime decides who can or cannot be a candidate for the opposition. To make matters worse, one of those who have sold themselves to the regime for “a handful of dollars” and usurp the name and symbols of the Democratic Action party, presents a well-known “collaborationist” as an express candidate, with the obvious intention of trying to divide the opposition vote.

The conduct of the regime in this case clearly demonstrates that in Venezuela the electoral path can and should serve to protest, mobilize and politically motivate the population, but, by itself, it does not serve for the change of government.

If the regime is capable of mounting this tragicomic farce, to prevent the governor of the state of Barinas from changing hands, whose governors have all been members of the Chávez family, it is evident that it has no intention of handing over central power by electoral means .

The support of the international community is absolutely essential for the opposition, although not sufficient, and the international community supports Guaidó and the AN of 2015, as the only legitimate instances.

It is relevant in this regard to note Biden’s invitation to Guaidó, for the recent Summit of Democracy. The electoral path must be accompanied by an increase in internal and external pressures.

The sanctions must continue and increase, especially personal ones, and they must be extended to the relatives of the leaders of the regime.

Europe and Spain in particular must act on this. Internally, the spontaneous social protest over the socio-economic and public service disaster must be organized and politically coordinated.

All the transitions from an authoritarian government to a democratic one in the last half century, such as Spain, Poland, Chile, South Africa, Nicaragua, Brazil, among others, have been due to an efficient combination of national and international pressures.

In some cases there were also actions of force that complemented the other paths, as in Nicaragua, with the “Contra”, and in South Africa, with the ANC guerrilla.

The possible internal breakdown of the regime, which could facilitate a transition, must be sought using several “paths” at the same time, internal and external.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published.